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・ Strain and counterstrain
・ Strain crystallization
・ Strain energy
・ Strain energy density function
・ Strain energy release rate
・ Strain engineering
・ Strain gauge
・ Strain hardening exponent
・ Strain insulator
・ Strain partitioning
・ Strain rate
・ Strain rate imaging
・ Strain rate tensor
・ Strain scanning
・ Strain theory
Strain theory (sociology)
・ Strain wave gearing
・ Strain, Arkansas
・ Strained quantum-well laser
・ Strained Relations
・ Strained silicon
・ Strained silicon directly on insulator
・ Strained tendon
・ Strained yogurt
・ Strainer bar
・ Strainmeter
・ Strain–encoded magnetic resonance imaging
・ Strait
・ Strait Area Education and Recreation Centre
・ Strait Area Transit


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Strain theory (sociology) : ウィキペディア英語版
Strain theory (sociology)

In sociology and criminology, strain theory states that social structures within society may pressure citizens to commit crime. Following on the work of Émile Durkheim, Strain Theories have been advanced by Robert King Merton (1957), Albert K. Cohen (1955), Richard Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin (1960), Neil Smelser (1963), Robert Agnew (1992), and Steven Messner and Richard Rosenfeld (1994). Strain may be either:
* Structural: this refers to the processes at the societal level which filter down and affect how the individual perceives his or her needs, i.e. if particular social structures are inherently inadequate or there is inadequate regulation, this may change the individual's perceptions as to means and opportunities; or
* Individual: this refers to the frictions and pains experienced by an individual as he or she looks for ways to satisfy his or her needs, i.e. if the goals of a society become significant to an individual, actually achieving them may become more important than the means adopted.
==Robert Dubin==
Robert Dubin (1959) viewed deviance as a function of society, disputing the assumption that the deviant adaptations to situations of ''anomie'' are necessarily harmful to society. For example, an individual in the ritualistic adaptation is still playing by the rules and taking part in society. The only deviance lies in abandoning one or more of its culturally prescribed goals. Dubin argued that Merton's focus on the relationship between society’s emphasized goals, and institutionalized prescribed means was inadequate.
Dubin felt that a further distinction should be made between cultural goals, institutional means and institutional norms because individuals perceive norms subjectively, interpreting them and acting upon them differently. The personal educational experiences, values, and attitudes may predispose an individual to internalize a norm one way. Another individual with different experiences may legitimately internalize the same norm differently. Both may be acting rationally in their own terms, but the resulting behaviour is different.
Dubin also extended Merton’s typology to fourteen, with particular interest in Innovation and Ritualism. Merton proposed that the innovative response to strain was accepting the goal, but rejecting the institutionally prescribed means of achieving the goal. The implication seemed to be that that not only did the individual reject the means, he must actively innovate illegitimate means as a substitute which would not always be true.
Dubin also thought that a distinction should be made between the actual behaviour of the actor and the values that drove the behaviour. Instead of Innovation, Dubin proposed Behavioural Innovation and Value Innovation. Similarly, in Ritualism, he proposed Behavioural Ritualism and Value Ritualism (Dubin, 1959: 147-149). Merton (1959: 177-189) commented on Dubin’s revisions, claiming that although Dubin did make valid contributions, they took the focus off deviancy.

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